Xarunta Daraasaadka Geeska Afrika, xdgasm@yahoo.com 

XDGA, 10/10/2001
tafaftir, 8/2003
Faafin: 16/9/2003

AFEEF:

Dad badan oo Sooomaaliyeed oo meel walba jooga ayaa caadaystay inay damacooda shakhsiga ama qabaliga ah u sahaydaan Soomaaliya. Ayadoo la daba joogo damacaas rakhiiska ah, ayaa si aan danqasho iyo xishood lahayn loo dulleeyay Soomaaliya. Ma garanayo cid kale oo guuldarrooyin sidaa u weyn ugu geysatay dalkeeda ujeedooyin sidaa u gaaban. Ha yeeshee qof walbaa kuma faraxsanaan karo dullaynta Soomaaliya. Ma rumaysni dhibaato dhacday inay qofna u saamaxayso inuu ku xadgudbo Soomaaliya. Dareenkayga uma xayiri karo afarta qof ee qoyskayga ah ee lagu dilay dagaalladii burburinta, ayagoo aan waxba galabsan; aduunkaygu ma ahaan karo sawirka dhibaatadii sharwadayaashu u geysteeen dhulkiii aan ku dhashay. Xanuunkayga gaarka ah kuma eedayn karo Soomaaliya. Sidaa darteed ma garaysan karo dooda lagu salaynayo ra’yiga ‘somaliland-nimada’.

Aad iyo aad ayaan uga xumahay inay iga timaaddo doodda ina hortaallaa . Waxaanse dareemayaa in la igu khasbay. Aniga iyo inta ila dareenka ahi waxay arkaan in la gaaray waqtigii waxuun laga oran lahaa dood aan waxba lagaga dhowrsanayn oo 12 kii sanoo aan soo dhaafnay lagu raadinayay wax la yiraahdo ‘samaliland’! Afeeftayduse waxay tahay: markaan ka hadlayno ra’yiga ‘somaliland-nimada’ kama hadlayno qabiil. Waxaan ka hadlaynaa ‘ra’yi kooxeed’, walow laga yaabo kooxdaasi inay isku hayb noqdaan. Waxaan ka jawaabaynaa ra’yiga kooxdaas gaarka ah, laakiin kama hadlayno mawqif ay ku midaysan yihiin dadka ayaga la abtiriska ah oo dhammi.

ARAR:

Aqoonyahannada culuumta bulshada ee dhexdhexaadka ahi waxay tilmaameen inay adagtahay in dhibaatooyinkii Soomaaliya baabi’iyay loo tiriyo asbaabo taariikheed ama siyaasadeed. Xattaa looma tirin karo asbaabo bulshadeed oo muuqda. Waxaa la fahamsan yahay sababtu inay tahay nafsiyad ijtimaaci ah oo aan la taaban karin. Qaabka ay u jirtaana yahay: xifaaladii iyo xafiiltankii hidda ahaaneed ee qabiilooyinka oo la isku dayay in loo maro ka qayb galka dawladnimada. Damaca siyaasiga ah ee qofka ama qabiilka ayaa hub looga dhigtay dareenkaa nafsiga ah ee bulshada. Markaa, arrintoo dhammi waxay ku ag wareegaysaa ‘ reer hebel maxay waxaas iyo waxaas inoo dheeryihiin; reer hebel ayaa waxaas iyo waxaas inoo diidan; waxaas iyo waxaas waa inaan helnaa; iga giiji; iwm’. Sidaa darteed, marna lama samayn xisaabtan siyaasi ah oo ku salaysan xaqiiqooyin taariikhi ah.

Sheekada ‘somaliland-nimadu’ waxaa la fahamsanyahay inay ka mid tahay arrimaha u jira dabciga noocaas ah. Inkastoo Soomaalidu ka siman tahay dulleynta dalkooda, ra’yigani waa kan ugu abaabulan, ugu buuq badan, uguna khatarsan. Si aan taas u cadayno, waxaan u baahan nahay inaan ka baaraan dagno labo su’aalood oo la xiriira ra’yiga: dooda ra’yiga lagu meel marinayaa ma leedahay asbaabo xaqiiqo ah, mise waa saykolojiya-bulshadeed? Ra’yigu ma wuxuu ka dhashay duruuf cusub, mise waa dareen taariikhi ah? Qoraalka soo socda qaybtiisa 1aad, waxaan ku fiirinaynaa: dooda maanta jirta iyo macnaha ay u taagan tahay. Qaybta 2aadna, bal in doodaasi ku salaysantahay duruuf cusub ama dabci asal ah.

Qaybta 1aad: Dooda ‘somaliland-nimada’ iyo Macnaheeda:

Somaliland iyo British Somaliland waa laba magac oo kala duwan. Somaliland waa magac ay bixiyeen cilmi baarayaasha ajnabiga ah, kaasoo ay ula jeedeen waxa innagu aan u naqaan ‘Soomaali weyn’. Si ay u helaan magac kulmiya qaranka Soomaaliyeed oo dhan, oo aan ku koobnayn jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya, waxay cilmi baarayaashu qaateen magaca ‘dhulka Soomaaliya ama Somaliland’. Sidaa darteed, ayaa loo yiraahdaa: Italian Somaliland, British Somaliland, French Somaliland, Ethiopian ama Westren Somaliland iwm. Markaana, Gaarisa, Hargeysa, Dirirdhabe, Jabuuti, Boosaaso, Xamar iwm waa wada ‘Somaliland’.

Markii 1950 Italian Somaliland ku wareegtay nadaamkii xornima gaaridda ee Ummadaha Midoobay, waxay noqotay Soomaaliya. Laakiin waqooyigu wuxuu iska sii watay magaciisii British Somaliland. Taasi waa qaabka kaliya oo aan uga fakari karno, wax la yiraahdo somaliland oo u gaar ah waqooyiga. Arrinta kaliya ee meesha ku jirtaa waxay tahay in dadka ku dhololaya magaca ‘somaliland’ ay kufsanayaan magac u taagan qaranka Soomaaliyeed, ayadoo waxay raadinayaan uu yahay ‘British Somaliland.’ Cid kasta oo magaca ‘Somaliland’ ku koobta WG, way qaldan tahay. Wax taa ka sii daran, ayaase jira.

Somaliland waa magac qayb ahaan ajnabi ah. Dhaqanka iyo damiirka midkoodna ma fasaxayo inay dad raadiyaan inay magacooda ku bilaan magac ajnabi ah, oo waliba isticmaari ah. Xornimada kadib ilaa 50%, ayaa waddammada Afrika baddalay magacoodii hore, ayagoo ka urinaya raad isticmaar. Reer Kosafa waxay yiraahdeen yaan naloo ku yeerin ‘Kosofo’, waayo Seerbiyiinta ayaa sidaas ugu dhawaaqa. Farqigu kaliya waa ‘a’ iyo ‘o’. Maxaa ku kallifi kara qof inuu u arko in sharaftiisu ku jirto sheegashada somaliland iyo somalilander, asagoo aan wax dan ah ka lahayn inuu soomaaaliyeeyo magaca.

Somaliland ma aha oo kaliya aragti ka dhan ah midnimada Soomaaliya. Waxay kaloo wadnaha ka abbaaraysaa jiritaanka qaranka Soomaaliyeed. Ku doodidda qoqobbadii isticmaarku, waa ayadoo la sharciyaynayo in gumaystayaashu xaq u lahaayeen isticmaarsiga iyo kala qaybinta Soomaaliya. Somaliland iyo kuwa u doodaa waxay caddeysteen inay aqoonsan yihiin xuduudihii isticmaarku dhigay. Taasi waa inqilaab xididada loogu siibayo mabaadi’da ay ku dhisantahay qarannimada Soomaaliyeed. Waxay la mid tahay ayadoo la leeyahay: ‘ Soomaali galbeed xaq uma laha inay xoroobaan’.

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[1] Magacyada kale ee ‘hebelland’, sida Puntland iyo Jubbaland ayaguna waa la xeer. Waxba kuma jabna qaadashada Punt iyo Jubba oo kale. Laakiin laanka la daba dhigay waxbaa ku jaban.

Ficil ahaan, taas wax u eg ayaa dhacay. Qof u hadlayay nadaamkii SNM, wuxuu 1991 ku dooday inaanay aqoonsanayn dhul Soomaaliyeed oo Itoobiya haysato, laakiin ay jiraan dad Soomaaliyeed oo Itoobiya degen; iyo inay midnimada Soomaaliya ka door bidayaan iskaashi guud oo dhexmara dalalka Geeska Afrika. Dr. Xusseen-Tanzaaniya, waxa kaliya oo uu la tagay shirkii cilmi baarista Itoobiya ee 1994, wuxuu ahaa asagoo ku dooday in halgankii loo galay dalalka maqani uu ahaa arrin qabyaaladi ka danbayso, oo lagu midayn rabay qabiilooyinka qaarkood oo ku kala hoos nool dalal kala duwan. Wuxuu intaa ku daray in hadda arrintaas dib looga fiirsanayo. Matalan Xuseen wuxuu yiri: "The Isaq were particularly interested in the 25000 sq. miles of the Haud and reserved areas in Ethiopian Somaliland." Xuseen wuxuu ahaa qofka kaliya ee cilmi baaritaas ka qayb galay ee isku dayay inuu macna tiro mabda’a Soomaaliweyn. Waxay kaloo u muuqataa in kaligi Soomaali ka ahaa dhowrkii boqol ee akadeemi ee halkaa isugu yimi.

Sidoo kale, Edna Ismaaciil iyo kuwa la ayniga ahi markay isku dayayaan inay aduunka u sheegaan jiritaanka wax la yiraahdo ‘somaliland’ oo ka da’ weyn Soomaaliya, waxay la macna tahay: taariikhda Soomaaliya inay tahay oo kaliya tii isticmaarka; isticmaarsigii iyo qaybintii Soomaaliya inay ahayd sharci; xuquuqda Soomaali galbeed inaanay jirin. Sidaa darteedna la burburiyo mabaadi’da ay ku dhisantahay qarannimada Soomaaliyeed.

4) Ra’yiga iyo Mabda’a Aaya ka Tashiga:

Somalilandn-nimadu waxay isku dayday inay cuskato mabda’a aaya ka tashiga. Hasa yeeshee ma jiro wax sharci ah ama xattaa mandiq ah oo ku caawinaya inay cuskato mabda’aas. Aan fiirinno labada sharci ee muhimka ah ee innaga ina khuseeya:

b) Shareecada islaamku waxay mamnuucday in kooxi ka hoos baxdo talada guud ee ay dad muslim ahi ku midaysan yihiin. Dadka caamada ah qaarkood ayaa u qaatay in haddii khilaafadii islaamku meesha ka maqan tahay, in kala taggu yahay arrin iska furan. Laakiin aragtidani waa mid qaldan, oo marmarsiinyo doon ah. Arrinta nusuusta ku cad oo la xarrimay waxay tahay, in koox maamul ku midaysani ay kala tagaan, haddi khilaafada guud ee islaamku midaysan tahay iyo haddii kalaba. Cahdigii Saxaabada iyo Taabiciinta ka bacdi, Muslimiintu marna kuma midoobin khilaafada guud ee Islaamka. Haddana marna lama bannayn in kooxi ka hoos baxdo maamulka ay markaas ka tirsantahay. Burburka Soomaaliya asaguna marmarsiinyo uma noqonayo kala tag, bal wuxuu waajib kaga dhigayaa qof kasta in la badbaadiyo ummaddaan Muslimka ah.

t) Sidoo kale mabaadi’da aaya ka tashiga ee ka soo baxday xadaaradda galbeedku waxay ka hadlaysaa : dad ay xoog ku haystaan dad kale oo kaga duwan arrimaha ay kamidka yihiin diinta , luqadda, iyo dhalashada. Mabaadi’da aaya ka tashiga ummaduhu ma khusayso qabiil ka gadooday qaran. Waxay khusaysaa laba ummadood oo kala duwan oo mid la isticmaarsanayo. Ma khusayso loolan siyaasadeed ama qabyaaladeed oo ka dhaxeeya laba kooxood oo isku dawlad ah, xattaa hadday kala isir duwan yihiin. Waxay khusaysaa ummad xoog ku haysata ummad kale. Ra’yigu wuxuu kaloo naf ka raadiyay xeerka Afrika ee baddalid la’aanta xuduudihii isticmaarka. Xeerkaas codad caalami ahi ayaa maanta ku talinya in la baddalo, waayo khariidadii isticmaarka ayaa mas’uul ka ah dhiig baxa Afrika. Waxaase taas ka weyn in dastuurka iyo mabaadi’da asaaska u ah qarannimada Soomaaliya iyo xeerka Afrika ee arintaa khuseeyaa, inay hor iyo dibba is diideen.

Qabiilku sidiisaba wuxuu kaga jiraa qaranka halka qofku kaga jiro beesha. Qofku xaq uma laha inuu dalbado sharci iyo xornimo ka baxsan nadaamka beeshiisa. Sidoo kale qabiilku xaq uma laha inuu dalbado sharci iyo xornimo ka baxsan tan qaranka. Qofku wuxuu xaq u leeyahay oo kaliya inuu nadaam khaas ah, oo aan burinayn sharciga guud, ku dhaqo gurigiisa. Qabiilkuna wuxuu xaq u leeyahay oo kaliya inuu nadaam hoosaad, aan jabinayn sharciga guud, u sameeyo degaankiisa. Damac ku dhisan loolan awoodeed iyo dawladnimo ku dhisan dookh qabyaaladeed, waligood daliil kama soo helin Shareecada Islaamka iyo qawaaniinta caalamiga ah ee maanta la cuskado.

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[2] Hussain  Adam in New Trends in Ethiopian Studies, ed. by  H. Marcus, 1994, muj. II, b. 79-82.

Ra’yigu, Sida dagaal oogayaashe kale, waxuu isku dayay inuu dagaalkii SNM ugu yeero mid xornimo. Laakiin ma jiraan wax inoo horseedaya inaan dagaalladaas ugu yeerno kuwo xornimo. Bal waxaan ku khasbannahay inaan ku xukunno in dagaallada jabhaduhu ahaayeen fal qaran dumis ah, sidaa darteedna khaa’inul waddannimo ah. Dhammaan jabhadihii SSDF, SNM, SPM, USC iwm, waxay ahaayeen qaran dumis shisheeye u adeeg ah. Qaarkood waxaa laga yaabaa inaanay doonayn in qaranku burburo inkastoo falkoodu sidaas ahaa. Somaliland-nnamadu ayadu fikrad ahaan iyo fal ahaanba waxay caddaysatay inay doonayso in qaranku kala tago. Ma jiraan wax macnayn karayaa xornimo-sheegidda SNM oo aan ka ahayn mandiq ah: ‘mar haddi qabiilkaygu awood u helay inuu khasaara weyn u geysto qabiil kale, taasi waa xornimo, Waxyeellada dhow iyo tan cawaaqibkuna ma aha kuwa aniga xisaabta iigu jira’.

Runtii ma aha arrin taariikhdu iska halmaamayso, in gabar la yiraahdo Faadumo oo degenayd Sacuudi Carabiya ay si isdaba joog ah 1991 ugu canbaaraysay USC, oo ahaa ururka beesheeda, inay falalkooda xasuuqa iyo kharribaadda ah ugu yeeraan ‘xorayn!’ . SNM waxaa la ogsoonyahay inay USC ku dhiirri galin jirtay falalkeeda burburinta ah. Ma garanayo ereyo ka haboon kuwii Marguerite Micheals ka cabbirtay waxa kooxahaani inoo ku sheegayaan xornimada, markay 1992 Xamar ka soo qortay:

Sidaa ayaa aadamigu u arkaa waxa innagu aan ugu yeeraynno xornimada. Somaliland-nimadu ina kama qancin karto: yay ka heshay xornimada, yayse u heshay? Waxay noqon doontaa su’aal taariikheed haddii qaddarka xornimada dhaqaale iyo siyaasadeed ah ee ay Hargeysa maanta ku sugantahay , taasoo Boosaasaba ku sugantahay, iskana imaan lahayd, ay u gudanto waxa gaaray ummadda Soomaaliyeed oo ah: dad beel, dal beel, sharaf beel iyo aakhiro beel!

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[3] Matalan, diblomaasiga caanka ah ee Ameerika Richard Holbrooke Jan. 2000, wuxuu qabanayay guddoonka Golaha Amaanka. Wuxuu qorshaystay bisha uu guddoomiyaha yahay inuu indhaha adduunka ku soo jeediyo dhibaatada Afrika oo ay dagaallada, faqriga iyo cudurradu ka mid yihiin. Wargeyska USA TODAY oo ka mid ah kuwa yar ee Mareykan oo dhan gaara, qoraal cinwaankiisu ahaa ‘Undo mapmakers’ damage to Afrika’, wuxuu kula taliyay Holbrooke qorshihiisa inuu ku darsadao baddalaada khariidadii isticmaarku ka tagay ee Afrika iyo inay kow ka tahay dhibaatada Afrika, waayo waxay kala qaybisay ummado isleh, ayadoo isu geysay kuwo aan islahayn, (USA TODAY, 29/12/99).

[4] Times 03/23/92.

Qaybtii SNM ay ku lahayd burburinta Soomaaliya waxay noqotay mid si ula kas ah looga aamusay. Burburkii ka dhacay WG 1988 wuxuu ka dhashay weerarkii is miidaaminta ahaa ee SNM tu soo qaadday. Ayaga ayaa dhufays u isticmaalay guryihii dadku degenaa. In dadku qaxaa, sida muuqata, waxay ahayd siyaasaddooda. Askartii nadaamka Oktoober ma haysan ikhyaar aan ka ahayn inay is difaacaan. Ma jiraan wax u bannaynaya askarta nadaamka inay laayaan dad shacab ah. Isla markaa ma jiraan wax u bannaynaya SNM inay tahluko u horseedo dadka ay magacooda ku dagaallamayeen. Taa ka sokow SNM waxaa la sheegay inay dad shacab ah ku laynayeen meelaha ay qabsadeen. Arrinta la hubaa waxay tahay inay 1991 dad ku xasuuqeen Boorame, KG ee Sanaag, iyo sida la sheego, agagaarka Berbera iyo Hargeysa. Xattaa hay’adaha xuquuqda, waxaa u kala caddaan weyday in xasuuqa jamaaciga ah ee laga helay Hargeysa uu yahay mid SNM ama askartii ina Siyaad gaysteen.

Burburkii Soomaaliya ku dhacay 24 kii sano ee aan soo dhaafnay, wuxuu ahaa mid eediisa ay ka simanyihiin kuwii xukunka u tartamayay. Sidaa darteed dhibaatooyinkii ka dhacay Hargeysa, Gaalkacyo, Xamar, Kismaayo Baydhaba, Baraawe iwm waa isku xeer. Kooxda, waqtiga, iyo hubka la isticmaalay midkoodna farqi ma sameynayo. Maxay yihiin cudur daarka ay haystaan waxyaalihii 1994 ka dhacay Burco, oo aanay haysan waxyaalihii Hargeysa ka dhacay 1988? Maxay falalka ay 1982 Mudug ka geysteen ‘digiftii’ uu hogaaminayay Dhagaweyne, kaga duwan yihiin falalka ay WG ka geysteen 1988 ‘faqashtii’ uu hogaaminayay Moorgan? Dhagaweyne oo Mudug looga yiqiin ‘ugub laaye’, wuxuu noqday taliyaha waxa la inoo ku sheegay ‘mujaahidiinta SNM’!

Taa waxaa dheer, SNM inay kaalin ku leedahay wixii koofurta ka dhacay. SNM waxaa la ogsoonyahay inay USC ku dhiirri galin jirtay falalkeeda burburinta ayadoo waliba ku deeqday hal ku dhegyada gumaadka, oo uu ka mid ahaa ‘faqash’! SNM oo uu ugu horreeyo ninkii markaas hogaaminayay, waxay 1991 iyo 92 dii cadaysteen inay taageersan yihiin falalka USC. Xattaa nin madax ka ahaa wafdi SNM ah oo muqdisho ku sugnaa Abriil 1991 wuxuu ku dhawaaqay: SNM waa USC, USC-na waa SNM. Isla ayaamahaas, oo gumaadku ugu darnaa, nin u hadlay USC ayaa qirty in SNM lagala tashaday waxa lagu samaynayo kooxda markaas bar tilmaameedka ahayd.

Waa arrin dhab ah in dhibaato xanuun badani ku dhacday dadka WG 1988. Laakiin xaq ma aha in arrintaas lagu eedeeyo shacabka Soomaaliyeed, ama loo isticmaalo dacaayad ‘holocoust garayn ah’ oo lagu burburinayo qaranka Soomaaliyeed, ayadoo la iska indha tirayo xaqiiqda ku hareeraysan arrintaas. Sidee ayay dadka Soomaaliyeed oo meel walba ku dulman oo ku dullaysani, u garaysan karayaan dacaayad gaar ah oo hal hays keedu yahay: ‘waa nala xasuuqay ama waa la isugu kaaya tagay’?

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[5] Raadiyo Muqdisho iyo BBC-Soomaali, Maaris-Abriil, 1991.

Inaad sheegatid arrin waxaa miqyaas u ah laba qodob: Inaad xaq u leedahay waxaad sheeganaysid iyo inaadan ku xadgudbin cid kale xuquuqdeeda. Somaliland-nimadu waxay xaqa u leedahay waxaan ku soo xadidnay qodobka 4aad. Halkan waxaan isweydiin karnaa doodeedu ma ku xadgudubtay xuquuqda cid kale. Si sahal ah, jawaabtu waa haa. Bal aan arrintaa eegno:

Doodani waxay muujisay inay diyaar u tahay inay jajuubto ama inkirto mawqifka dad ayada ka soo horjeeda asii ku nool dhulka ay magacaas ula jeeddo. Dr. Axmed I. Samatar ayaa horay usoo jeediyay su’aasha ah: "Haddaanu jirin wax WG ku qasbaya Soomaaliya inteeda kale, maxaa ku qasbaya waqooyiga laftigiisa ama Soomaaliyada kale inuu mid kastaa gaarkiisa u midaysnaado?" Taasi waa arrin muuqata marka diidmada ugu weyni ka jirto waqooyiga laftigiisa. Runtii ma garan karno waxa British Somaliland kaga duwantahay British Jubbaland, oo aan ka ahayn in tan hore 35 sano ku danbaysay gacanta Ingiriiska. Mawqifka ra’yiga oo ah ‘qoqobyadii isticmaarku dhigay waa sharci’, wuxuu ku xadgudbayaa, sidaan soo xusnay, xaqqa dadka Soomaaliyeed u leeyihiin inay diidaan isticmaarka iyo raadkiisa.

"I hear that the Ogaaden people will not come to Berbera this year as they want to go to the bandars of Kismayo, Hamar and Barava. They say that when they come to Berbera they are plundered."

Haddii 123 sano ka hor shilal sidaa u yaryari ay afganbi noocaas ah u soo jiideen xiriirka Soomaali galbeed iyo Waqooyi galbeed, sidee ayay qaddiyad siyaasadeed oo halboole ahi mustaqbalka u saamayn doontaa xiriirkaas?

t) Marka ‘somaliland forum’ iyo kuwa la midka ahi inoo sheegayaan: ‘xabashida ayaa soomaalida nooga sokaysa, magaca Soomaali ma doonayno, waqooyi iyo koofur waxaan cadaawad ahayni kama dhaxayso’. Iyo marka calanka Soomaaliyeed si ku celcelin ah loogu gubayo fagaarayaasha Hargeysa, waxaa lagu xadgudbayaa xuquuqda cid kale, ciddaasi ama ha noqoto tan la weerarayo ama ha noqoto mid magaceeda la adeegsanayo laakiin aan raalli ka ahayn duullaanka noocaas ah. Waa arrin sukhriyad ah in maamulka Hargeysa inoo sheego in dadka waxa loola jeedo ‘somaliland’ 97% ay taageereen shegashadooda!

j) Arrintu hadda ma aha mid ku siman qarannimada Soomaaliya, ee waxaa jirta mushkilad la xiriirta damiirka iyo akhlaaqda. Dadka u dooda ‘somaliland-nimada’ qaarkood ma qarsan inay guuldarrada Soomaaliya u arkaan dantooda. Maxay 1991 iyo 1992 dii u dhiirrigalinayeen dhibaatadii ka jirtay koofurta? Maxaa dad uga xumaadaan marka ay soo baxdo rajo ah in Soomaaliya dawlad yeelan doonto? Maxaa Edna ku keentay inay aqoonsi ku raadiso maydkii 1993 lagu jiiday jidadka Xamar? Maxaa ku khasbay Axmad-siilaanyo inuu ka qoomameeyo inaanay dadaal u samayn inaan UN-tu aqoonsan xukuumad Soomaali ah?

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[6] The Somali Challenge, from Catastrophy to Renewal, 1996, ed. Ahmed I. Samatar.
[7] Abdi Sheik-Abdi: Divine Madness,  M. A. Hassan 1856-1920,  Zed books, 1993,  b. 60.

Ra’yiga ‘somaliland-nimada’ maxaa ku kallifay inuu u bareero qaladaad noocaas ah oo aan loo miidaan dayeyn? Ma waxaa jirta sabab khasbaysa in arrimuhu hadda sidaas ahaadaan, mise waa arrin ah dareen mar kasta joogta ah oo kooxeed? Taariikhdu waxa laga yaabaa inay qaddar caawinaad ah ina ka siiso jawaabaha su’aalahakan.* Dad badan oo taariikh iyo bulsho yahanno ka mid yihiin ayaa rumaysan in ra’yigu leeyahay dabci ka da’ weyn dhibaatooyinka iyo duruufaha maanta ka jira Soomaaliya. Axmed I. Samatar wuxuu mar soo qaaday inaanay meesha ka maqnayn waxa uu ku tilmaamay ‘Isaq chauvinism – tacasubkii Isaaq’. Tacasubkan oo marar kala duwan la soo qaaday, dadka ra’yiga u ololeeya naftigooda ayaa qiraya. Somaliland Forum waxay dhawaan ku doodeen inaanay jirin wax ka dhexeeya dadka ay matalayaan iyo waxa la yiraahdo Soomaali, iyo inaanay uba arkeyn in ‘Soomaali’ yahay magaca qarannimadooda. Bilowgii 1991 qof ra’yiga aaminsan oo la hadlayay BBC-da af Soomaaliga, ayaa bixiyay tusaalaha ugu qeexan. Wuxuu ku dooday hadal macnihiisu ahaa "Waqooyi iyo Koofur waa sida biyo iyo saliid la isku daray. Labadaan xattaa haddii la isku walaaqo, way kala miirmaan. Sidaasoo kale, labadan dad waligood isma dheehayaan".

Dr. Cumar Cusmaan Raabi, inkastoo uu ka xumaa waxyaalihii ku dhacay dadka WG 1988, haddana wuxuu ka walaacsanaa dareen khatar ah oo ka danbeeya ujeedada dagaalka. Kadibna mid ka mid ah qoraalladiisii caanka ahaa wuxuu cinwaan uga dhigay "North remains part of the Nation". Wuxuu ahaa waqti dad yar, oo kolleyba annagu aanan ka mid ahayn Cumarse laga yaabo inuu ka mid ahaa, ay fahamsanaayeen waxa ku qarsoon quluubta SNM.

E. R. Turton oo wax ka qora Afrikada bari, wuxuu falanqeeyay muran 1936-1941 saameeyay qayba ka mid ah dhulalkii Soomaaliyeed. Muranku wuxuu ku saabsanaa laba arrimood oo is huwan. Tan 1aad, WG waxaa laga diiday in manhajkii waxbarashada ee la soo bandhigay lagu daro barashada luqadda Soomaaliga. Sababtu waxay ahayd in laga cabsi qabay in barashada afka Soomaaliga ay ku soo duggaali karto Afrikaannimo, waayo waxaa socotay dood ah in dadka halkaas degen maamulka Ingiriisku u aqoonsado ‘Carab Aasiyaawi ah’. Tan 2aad, oo xirrir la lahayd arrinta 1aad, waxay ahayd halgan ay bilaabeen dadka Isaaqa ah ee degenaa Afrikada bari, Kenya iyo Tanganika. Ujeedadu waxay ahayd in ayadoo la sheeganayo Carabnimo iyo Aasiyannimo loo dacwoodo bixinta mid la mid ah canshuurta ay bixiyaan Aasiyiinta Afrikada bari, si Soomaalidu u helaan faa’iidooyinka ay Aasiyiintu helaan oo kale. Nadaamkii Ingiriiska ee Afrikada bari ayaa dadka aan caddaanka ahayn ee dalalkaas u kala saaray Aasiyaawi iyo Afriiqi ku kala duwan canshuurta ay bixiyaan iyo adeegga ay helaan labadaba. Soomaalidu markaa waxay diideen in loola macaamilo sida dadka Afriiqiga ama jareerka ah. Faarax Oamaar, Allaha u naxariistee, oo markii danbe af hayeen u noqday dhaqdhaqaaqa, warqad uu u diray boqorkii Ingiriiska wuxuu yiri:

"In East Afrika the Somali community is sometimes on the same level as the negroes of East Africa. Since they pay non-native poll tax can not the British government assure them that they will get the same privileges as the non-Europeans residing there".

Inkastoo Soomaalidu dareenka wada qabeen, haddana bulshada Isaaqa ahi fikradda taageero ugama helin Soomaalida kale, sida Turton uu ina xusuusinayo: "… It was one the main weakness of the Isaaq movement that they failed to gain the support of two important groups of east Africa Somalis who could have contributed significantly towards the successful acheivement of their goals; these were the Harti Darod and the NFD pastorals."

Dhowr arrimood oo sabab u noqday midnima la’aanta Soomaalida ayaa la xusay:

Tan 1aad waxaa la isla fahmi waayay magaca qarannimo ee lagu wajahayo xaqiijinta qarannimada. Turton mar kale wuxuu xusay:

"The year 1940 … to be allowed to pay Asiatic tax in April to non-observance of the outlaying districts ordinance; the Isaaq objected their passes because they were described as Somalis, where as they now called themselves Sharif Isaq Arabs" … "There was little point in them [Harti] supporting the Isaq claim to Asiatic status since the claim was based on firmly on their alleged place of birth being Aden".

Dhinaca WG sidoo kale ayaa la isu maandhaafay. Isla waqtiyadaas ayay ahayd marka Sh. Xasan Taani-gii Awdal uu qaabeeyay tixdiisa awoodda u yeelatay inay ku nagaato arkiifiyada adduunka. Wuxuu yiri:

• Saca Faarsa tegay, Soddon maalintuu qado, Sandulluu ku iman;
• Saa waxaa ka dhigan, Safka maanta yiri, Saadaan nahay, ee aan Soomaali diidno.

_______
[8] BBC-Soomaali, 4/7/03.

[9] Samatar, 1996.

*Mar kale aan idan xusuusinnee, inkastoo oraahyadu qabiil ama gobol taabanayaan haddana aragtidu waxay ka imaanaysaa qayb ka mid ah qabiilka ama gobolka, markaa waa inaan loo qaadan wax qabiilka wada khuseeya. Runtii waxaan aqoonsan nahay inay jiraan dad qoraalkani haybtooda taabanayo, haddana nagala mawqif ah mawduuca aan lafa gurayno. Waan ka xunnahay in arrintu sidaa ahaato. Waxaan kaloo aqoonsan nahay inay jiraan falal dhinacyo kale ka imaanaya oo lagu dulleynayo Soomaaliya, sidaan kor ku xusnay.

[10] Turton: The Isaq Somali Diaspora and Tall-Tax Agitation in Kenya, 1936-41, waxaa xigtay Faisal Hassan 2001.

Arrinta 2aad: Inkastoo Soomaalidu u baahnaayeen inay iskaashadaan, haddana khilaafka haybtu wuxuu sii abuuray khilaafyo kale. Arrimuhu waxay noqdeen kuwo laab la kac ah oo aan lafa gurnayn. Turton wuu sii waday:

"During the last month of 1937 … the Isaq made every effort to get the Darod to participate in their agitation, (in march 1938 … they used, as intermediaries, men had Darod fathers and Isaq mathers) … but with out success. Realising that cooperation was not possible at that stage they changed their tactics and began to violently denounce the Harti. They declared that all the Majerten Harti and most of the Dhulbahante Harti were Italian agents and they were openly pressed for their expulsion from the colony. Such allegations were naturally impossible to prove and the Harti were not slow to bring similar charges against the Isaq. Accusation and counter-accusation … followed".

Arrinta 3aad: Ballaarashada khilaafku waxay sii qodqodday hurgumooyin taariikhi ah. Turton mar kale wuxuu yiri " … many of the supporters of Mohammed Abdilla Hassan … had been Darod, while most of the Somali who had fought on the side of British against him had been Isaq. The legacy of this conflict was a long-standing blood fued between these two groups … this blood fued was compounded by the actions of Abdur-Rahmaan Mursal of Sarinley, who led an uprising in 1916 in which a number of Isaq were murdered by Darod."

Haddaynaan halmaamin in beelaha Togdheer ayaamihii hore Daraawiish noqdeen, Turton waa inuu sax yahay. Taariikhdii Daraawiishtu raad raac ayay u noqon karta waxa maanta jira. Halgankii Daraawiishta ee qaatay 20 sannadood halaag aan hor iyo dib toonna loogu arag Soomaaliya, ayuu u geystay waqooyiga Soomaaliya, gaar ahaan Nugaal iyo hareeraheeda. Dareenno badan, oo qaarkood u egyihiin kuwa maanta jira ayaa ka haray dhibaatadaas. Dareennadaas oo aan isku jiho u socon waxaa ka mid ah: dad aan aabayaashood colaad mooyee wax kale ku darsan, oo haddana maanta si gaar ah u difaacaya halgankii Daraawiishta; dad aan gobolkooda dhibaatadii Daraawiishtu saameyn, haddana maanta ka cabanaya; dad Daraawiishtu ayadoo ka gar daran baabi’isay, haddana maanta la canbaareynayo; dhibaatadii oo aan si fiican loo sheegin ayadoo loo xil qarinayo Daraawiishta ama Ingiriiska; dad waagaas dhibaato kala gaartay Daraawiishta, laakin arrintoodu intaa ku ekaatay; dadkii dhibaatada ugu weyni ku dhacday, inay yihiin kuwa maanta ugu cabasho yar; dad si gaar ah qeyb uga ahaa geysashada dhibaatada, haddana maanta si gaar ah u cabanaya.

Noocan ugu danbeeya, ayaa laga yaabaa inuu khuseeyo mowduuceenna. Dareenku halkan wuxuu yahay in ayadoo aan la isaga garaabeyn wixii la isu geystay, eed sheegad lagu ekaado. Arrintu si kasta ha ahaatee, su’aalaha faraha badan ee la xiriira dhibaatadii ama halgankii Daraawiishta, 6 ka mid ah ayaan mowduuceenna la xiriirin karnaa:

1) Maxaa tan iyo maalintii Sayid Moxammed ka soo degey dekedda Berbera ilaa maalintii laga saaray Taleex ay rag WG ka soo socdaa talo ahaan iyo tabar ahaanba laf dhabar ugu ahaayeen dagaalka Ingiriisku kula jiray Daraawiishta?

2) Arrintaasi ma waxay ahayd tan kaliya ee la gudboon, dadkii Soomaaliyeed ee ay soo wajahday colaaddii naxariis darrada ahayd ee Daraawiishtu?

3) Xiriir noocee ah ayaa laga dhaxaysiin karaa u adeegiddii Ingiriiska iyo xadgudubyadii Daraawiishta?

4) U adeegidda Ingiriiska ma la barbar dhigi karaa qabiilooyinka ayagu iskood ula dagaallamayay daraawiishta kuwaasoo aan shisheeye ku xirnayn, laakiin ku qanci waayay mabda’a iyo habdhaqanka daraawiishta?

5) Dhibaatada waqtiga dheer qaadatay ka sokow, maxaa lagu macnayn karaa laba olole oo ayagu ka tagay mahadhooyin gaar ah. kan 1aad, bilowgii dhibaatada: 1901 ciidan uu hogaaminayay Xaaji Muuse Faarax oo Ingirisiisku ka soo dhaqaajiyay Burco, ayaa Nugaal ku sameeyay waxa lagu tilmaamay ‘scorched earth – gubidda arlada’. Raadkii ka dhashay ayaa Nugaal u horseeday hooggii asiibay, Daraawiishtana u sababay arxan darradii ay muujiyeen. Kan 2aad, dhamaadkii dhibaatada: ciidankii lugta ahaa ee dagaalkii diyaaradda 1920 kii, wuxuu geystay wax isugu jira xasuuq iyo kufsi, oo lagu matalay wixii Xamar ka dhacay 1991 kii.

6) Inkastoo WG aanay ahayn halka khasaarihii ugu weynaa ee Daraawiishtu geysatay soo gaaray, ayadana naftigeedana dhibaatooyin noocaas ah lagu tirsanayo, maxay WG u tahay meesha wali ay ka jirto gocoshada ugu weyn ee falalkii Daraawiishta? Ma astaan kale oo tacassub gaar ah oo aan cid kale wax u dareemi karin muujinaysaa?

Faarax Oomaar dabcan wuxuu ahaa nin wacyi leh. Wuxuu dareensanaa kollayba taariikhda Soomaalidu inayna ammaani doonin sida wax u dhaceen. Asagoo u xujaysanaya olalahii aqoonsiga maqaamka Soomaalida ee aan soo xusnay, Faarax laba arrimood ayuu xusuusinayaa Ingiriiska: inay jirtay sabab raggiisu ula dagaalamayeen tolkood, taasoo ahayd u daacad ahaanshaha dawladda Ingiriiska; iyo inay tahay arrintaas abaal gud inay ugu helaan qaddiyaddooda maanta. Faarax wuxuu yiri:

"We Somalis have always tried our utmost to show our loyalty to the Union jack … thousands and thousands of lives have been laid down for the British flag … during the struggle with the mad mullah we were fighting against our own countrymen but we were realized that we were fighting for an ideal government … This… surely proved our loyalty … long live the king".

Sidaa darteed, Faarax isma moogeysiin in wax ku jabnaayeen la shirkoobiddii Ingiriiska. Iyo inaanay khasab ahayn in dadka qaarki ku saxsan yihiin dareenkooda cabasho u joogga ah. Laakiin mus dambeedka dareenka somaliland-nimadu intaa kuma eka.

_______
[11]  Turton,  xig. Faisal Hassan, 2001.
[12] Abdi Sheik-Abdi: Divine Madnesss, 1993,  bb. 61-73, 119;  D. Jardine, the Mad Mullah of Somaliland, 1923, bb. 128, 262.
[13] Faisal Hassan in Turton.

Ururkii ama Naadigii Dhalinyarada Soomaaliyeed ee 1943 lagu asaasay xaafadda Iskuraran, wuxuu ahaa horumarkii siyaasadeed ee ka dhaca Soomaaliya waqtiyada cusub. Durbadiiba wuxuu ku fiday dhulka Soomaaliyeed oo dhan. Matalan wuxuu xarumo firfircoon ku yeeshay Wajeer, Harar, Jigjiga, Hargeysa iwm. Sannadihii hore ururkaasi wuxuu ahaa midka kaliya ee nashaad la taaban karo ku leh Hargeysa. Jaamac M. Qaalib wuxuu caddeeyay inuu imaanshihiisii halkaas ee 1947/8 waxbarashadiisii ugu horreysay ka helay barnaamijyadii waxbarashada ee ururku ka hirgaliyay Hargeysa. Laakiin markii danbe rag Hargeysa jooga waxay la noqotay inay ismoogaysiiyaan ururkaas, oo urur kale ka barbar furaan. Dad badan ayaa rumaysan in abuuridda ururkii SNL uu ku dhashay dareen ah tacasub maxalli ah oo lagaga fursanayay ku biiridda SYL. Matalan Cabdi Caafi wuxuu ku dooday:

" …the political activities of the community towards the secession ideology…started immiediately with the independence movements. Shortly after the inaugration of SYL whose sole purpose was the struggle of the Somali freedom, their political leaders straightaway created SNL – a hypocritical party. One of the main historical differences between the two parties was national interest vs. tribal interest…The first policy of SNL was to stay out of the union. However the founders of SNL planned in such a way … if they found it impossible for them to stand alone then they should come up with a political card on the sharing of the body politic on equal basis i.e. north vs. south regardless of the taxable resources or population distribution in the regions…The respective communities in the north however did not allow themselves to be recorded in the history as the opponents of the unification of Somalia." Wuu sii waday doodiisa, asagoo leh dareenka maanta jiraa ma aha duruufi ee waa nafsiyad bulshadeed:

"Nevertheless the idea of secession did never die in the minds of SNL founders instead they arranged the first mutiny in 1961 [62] the first of its kind in the history of Somalia…Like its foster mather (SNL), the objective of the SNM was to cede the ex-British protectorate from the rest of the country."

Markaa halkan Caafi wuxuu ku doodayaa in ra’yiga somaliland-nimada ee maanta, uu ku abtirsado inqilaab-isku daygii 1962 iyo diidmadii asaasayaasha SNL ee ku biiridda SYL. Way adag tahay doodan nuxurkeeea in la diido, waayo arrinta la xiriirta qorshihii midnimada ee SNL, dooda Caafi waxaa taageeraya hadal uu dhawaan (Agosto 2003) Cumar Carte ka caddeeyay barnaamijka ‘Taariikhda Soomaaliya iyo Qarnigii Tagay’ ee BBC-da af Soomaaliga. Hadalka Jaamac M. Qaalib naftigiiisu wuxuu ina tusayaa in ilaa 1948, SYL ahaa ururka kaliya ee wax ku oolka ah ee ka jira Hargeysa. Arrin kaloo la xusi karaa waxay tahay, in sinaba loogu guulaysan waayay 1980dkii in asaasayaashii SNM lagu qanciyo inay isku biiraan ururkii SSDF, inkastoo labada kooxoodba gabraar u ahaayeen Itoobiya. Taasi waxay sabab u sii noqotay midnima la’aanta jabhadihii qabaa’ilka ee burburiyay Soomaaliya.

_______

[14] Jama M. Qalib: The Cost Of Dictatrorship, Lilian Barber Press, 1995, b. 5.
[15] Is Somaliland a Myth or Reality, article published by Abdi Aafi, 2001.

Qadar jaah wareer ah ayaa ka muuqda ra’yiga. Cidda uu eedda u haystaa ma cadda! Waxaan aragnay mar eedda in loo haysto nadaamkii ina Siyaad; mar kalana wax loogu yeero koofur; mar kalana wax kale ee lagu tilmaamay ‘Daarood’. Sidoo kale waxaa jaah wareersan cidda ra’yigu uu rabo inuu u doodo. Mar waxaan maqalnaa asagoo u doodaya dhul lagu tilmaamay somaliland; marna qabiil reer hebel ah; marna waxaan aragnaa ra’yigu asagoo raadinaya gaashaan buur qabyaaaladeed oo ah waqooyi galbeed iyo koofur bari!

Rag ka mid ah DMG ayaa magacaabistii Cali Khaliif kadib ku eedeeyay C/Qaasim:

"Madaxweynaha waqtigakan ee Soomaaliya wuxuu iska dhaga tiray tabashada qabiilka Isaaq markuu ra’iisul wazaare aan Isaaq ahayn magacaabay". Oraahdani waxay u dhacaysaa Cali Khaliif inaanu ahayn qof matali kara ‘somaliland’.

Markaa ma waxaa sax ah somaliland waa dad dantoodu ku midaysan tahay ilaalinta xadadkii Ingiriiska iyo Talyaannigu jeexeen? Mise waxaa sax ah somaliland ma aha wax jira ee waa in laga hadlaa dan qabiil?

Inta ay jiraan dad ku adkaysanaya sheekada somaliland waxaa jiri doona 3 su’aalood oo ina hor imaanaya:

Sannadkii 1526 kii Imaam Axmad Ibraahim Cumar-Alghaazi, wuxuu Soomaalida u diyaariyay inay jihaad ku soo dhacsadaan dhulkoodii Xabashidu qabsatay labadii qarni ee asaga ka horreeyay. Waxaa dib u dhac kaga yimi beel lagu magacaabay Habarmagade oo degenayd darafta WB ee saldanadii Awdal. Waxay sameeyeen wax lagu sheegay ‘fasaadul ard iyo qadcu duruq’. Taasi waxay Axmad ku kalliftay inuu dib u dhigo jihaadka oo beeshaas ku bixiyo labo duullaan oo waaweyn ilaa uu ka gaaray xeebta badda Cas. Axmad iyo raggiisu Habarmagade ugama tagi kareyn waxay ku kacayeen.

Carab-Faqiih wuxuu inoo sheegay Habarmagade markii danbe inay noqdeen rag rag ka tagay oo ka mid ah lafdhabarkii jihaadka. Waxaan rajaynaynaa in mar kale aynaan u baahan doonin, in si aan nabdooneyn loogu sheego Habarmagade inay yihiin walaalo aan jecelnahay oo aanaan ka maarmin.

Waxaa diyaariyay:

Faafin: SomaliTalk.com | Sept 16, 2003 | 

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